The country has changed a lot, not only in terms of public administration, but also in the way we reason ourselves and our environment.
At this point, the kind reader will notice that the concepts “communication” and “narrative” obsess us. What if. Since we began to learn in academic terms —before the emergence of social networks— the concept of public narrative by Professor Marshall Ganz, from Harvard University, we fell into the reality that the sum of stories to build a great narrative and influencing small audiences and then the general public, is an art that has been perfected and today everyone uses it, aware or not of its origin.
The inertia of the times collided with the narrative that AMLO proposed since he was a social leader and recurring candidate and then implemented it as president of the republic. Both speeches as contrasts of what a country talks about itself. On the one hand, neoliberalism with its concepts supported by 30 years: competitiveness, globality, meritocracy, civil society, competition and free market, among others. On the other, the 4T approach: equality, social awareness, combating oligarchies, transformation, separation of economic power from politics, and true change.
Neoliberalism used the resources of the state and the favor of those who agree with its narrative: schools, universities, intellectuals, global media, other governments and supranational organizations such as the International Monetary Fund and the many development banks; On the other hand, the nationalist sides only used much more limited resources in terms of communication, although with a remnant of respected academics, intellectuals (including one or another Nobel Prize winner) and alternative media with much less scope.
The narratives are in turn a reflection of the ideological conviction of the sides. The aeronautical infrastructure almost metaphorically represented the clash of narratives: the NAIM in Texcoco represents the neoliberal, globalist, aesthetic, aspirational project and infrastructure: if we wanted to emulate Shanghai, it was the option; the AIFA, on the other hand, represents the Spartan vision, a sum of patches that does not stop spending, but is not interested in the aesthetics of Norman Foster (Pritzker Prize winner who designed the NAIM).
Each narrative is proud of its values: the 4T does not think about money, projection or vision as much as making resources work for projects of social outreach; transform the country from the core correcting its inequalities; the neoliberal narrative believes in investment, in globalist financialism, in breaking down economic barriers, in the glamor of modernity. Both attract because they have benefits.
And so each side tells us a story, theirs, to make us their supporters. Since the birth of neoliberalism conceived by Reagan, Thatcher and Bush Sr., the hegemonic narrative has been that of globality, competitiveness and the paradigms of the Washington consensus, with the approval of promoters not only of governments but of huge transnational corporations that sponsored large campaigns; With this, the neoliberal narrative became hegemonic. So much so that being against her was being against him. zeitgeist, The spirit of the times. And so we passed from the 90s of the last century until 2018.
To establish the new narrative, President López Obrador changes a story and he does it with patience, but with tenacity: every morning he contrasts the metahistory together with his values and contrasts it with the narrative of the past. On the other hand, supporters of the previous narrative, whether out of conviction or chayoteo, see it, reproduce it, and interpret it via memes, videos, and comments, reducing it to absurdity and contrasting it with their own values.
This collision of narratives was what we saw on April 17 with the electrical reform rejected by the opposition in the Chamber of Deputies. Naturally, each side told their own story, but we’ll continue to the next one.
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One more narrative